1. “Cave In” would fit if Democrats had power to leverage to begin with. But that wasn’t the case. The other party controls government in toto at least until November. On the positive side, CHIP is now funded, the Democrats and the rest of us can fight another day, and a rift among Senate Republicans might give Democrats some room to maneuve

1. Like January 21, 2017, yesterday’s women’s marches electrified the country, and its echoes were heard around the world. Once again, millions of people, led by courageous women, young and old, took to the streets of our nation’s capital and hundreds of other cities and towns. It was an explosion of social protest, both organized and spontaneous, as well as a dramatic assertion of women’s autonomy and an insistence for a society free of sexual harassment, exploitation, and violence. Not least, it constituted a massive repudiation of Trump and everything he stands for. And not left out of the mix were other urgent concerns, including the fate of the Dreamers, racism, the threat to the environment, and the upcoming midterm elections.

It would be a stupid’s man’s bet to think that the energy and righteous demands on display yesterday will go away anytime soon. Though Trump, the GOP and a patriarchal society don’t realize it, a political juggernaut, guided by a vision of gender equality, justice, peace, and the eradication of Trump and Trumpism is IN for the long haul. As the Civil Rights song says, “ain’t nobody going to turn us around.”

2. My Take — the shutdown could have been easily avoided had it not been for Trump and the extreme right of the Republican right in Congress and the White House.

Democrats were ready to make a compromise that would keep the federal government open, while at the same time protecting Dreamers, health care for children, and others living on the edge. Bernie Sanders made the point yesterday that DACA was essential, but Democrats were also committed to funding other essential programs — not later but now.

The challenge for the larger movement now is twofold. First, counter the Trump-right wing narrative that Schumer and the Democrats are responsible for the shutdown. And, second, express support for Congressional Democrats as well as remind them once again that the defense of Dreamers and other people in vulnerable situations shouldn’t be bargained away.

3. Small-d democratic movements which capture and energize millions of people can’t be rolled out smoothly. There will be missteps, wrong turns, excesses, tensions, competing priorities and centers, etc. They can’t be choreographed. That’s the nature of movements with a mass and spontaneous character.

The main thing, it seems to me, is twofold. First, resist the movement’s opponents who do everything to depreciate its just demands and divide its participants. And, second, lend energy and a unifying (and principled) spirit to these mass, popular, long overdue democratic surges.

4. Any compelling economic narrative on the part of Democrats and the rest of the resistance movement has to give special attention to raising living standards in general and among the lowest paid workers in particular. And the ways to do that are many, although it should be unequivocally said that such a narrative shouldn’t be set against so-called “identity” issues. The class struggle will quickly hit a dead end if it isn’t organically connected to the struggle for equality, democratic rights, and democracy in general.

5. Marxism understands class as a wide brimmed, variegated, inclusive, and fluid phenomenon, grounded in an exploitive production process. But it has become evident that sections of white workers don’t abide by this understanding. In voting for Trump the candidate and supporting Trump the president, they set aside, if they ever embraced, this understanding of class.

In its place, they substituted a notion of class that is sectional, racialized, gendered, nativist, exclusivist, and zero sum. Whiteness, masculinity, and americanness became the main markers for their social identity and political outlook.

This shouldn’t come as a complete surprise. After all, the default position of the U.S. working class historically hasn’t been that of a tightly knit and politically progressive social grouping. If anything, that has been as much the exception as the rule. Nixon’s Southern Strategy, Wallace’s presidential bid, Reagan’s ascendency, and the rise of the right over the past 40 years — each was able to draw a section of white workers into their camp. Seen from this angle, Trump’s support among white workers isn’t an aberration.

I would also add that full blown class understanding-consciousness doesn’t simply and inexorably issue from a worker’s position in a system of social production. It is, instead, historically conditioned and politically constituted in the the course of a protracted struggle.

1. My Take — the shutdown could have been easily avoided had it not been for Trump and the extreme right of the Republican right in Congress and the White House.

Democrats were ready to make a compromise that would keep the federal government open, while at the same time protecting Dreamers, health care for children, and others living on the edge. Bernie Sanders made the point yesterday that DACA was  essential, but Democrats were also committed to funding other essential programs — not later but now.

2. Small (d) democratic movements which capture and energize millions can’t be rolled out smoothly, with no missteps, no wrong turns, no excesses, no tensions, no competing priorities or centers, etc. That’s not the nature of movements that possess a mass and (to no small degree) spontaneous character.

To think that it is possible to choreograph every step is a fool’s errand. The main thing, it seems to me, is twofold. First, resist the movement’s opponents who do everything to depreciate its just demands and divide its participants. And, second, lend energy and a unifying (and principled) spirit to these mass, popular, long overdue democratic surges.

3. Any compelling economic narrative on the part of Democrats and the rest of the resistance movement has to give special attention to raising living standards in general and among the lowest paid workers in particular. And the ways to do that are many, although it should be unequivocally said that such a narrative shouldn”t be counterposed to so called “identity” issues. The class struggle will quickly hit a dead end if it isn’t organically connected to the struggle for equality, democratic rights, and democracy in general.

4. Marxism understands class as a wide brimmed, variegated, inclusive, and fluid phenomenon. But it has become evident that sections of white workers don’t abide by this understanding. In voting for Trump the candidate and supporting Trump the president, they set aside, if they ever embraced, this understanding of class.

In its place, they substituted a notion of class that is sectional, racialized, gendered, nativist, exclusivist, and zero sum. Whiteness, masculinity, and americanness became the main markers for their social identity and political outlook.

This shouldn’t come as a complete surprise. First, the default position of the U.S. working class historically hasn’t been that of a tightly knit and politically progressive social grouping. If anything, that has been as much the exception than the rule. Nixon’s Southern Strategy, Wallace’s presidential bid. Reagan’s election strategy, and the rise of the right over the past 40 years — each was able to draw a section of white workers into their camp. Seen from this angle, Trump’s support among white workers isn’t an aberration.

It also reminds us that full blown class understanding-consciouness doesn’t simply and inexorably issue from a worker’s position in a system of social production. It is, instead, historically and politically constituted in the the course of a protracted struggle.

1. Martin Luther KIng — moral and political visionary, radical democrat, brilliant strategist and tactician, and mover of millions. No one stood taller in the 20th century. He still has much to teach us — at this moment and at every turn along the road to full and indivisible freedom.

2. Oprah’s speech at the Globes was superb. In interjecting her powerful voice to this righteous cause, she captured the moment and inspired tens of millions of women, and men as well. I have to wonder if my grandchildren and great grandchildren will read or hear about this galvanizing moment in their high school history class. And, who knows, maybe, just maybe, it will be presented as Oprah’s unofficial entry into what became her successful presidential run.

3. From the sublime to the ugly: it’s no wonder that Trump’s comments, as repugnant and beyond the pale as they are, aren’t surprising. In fact, they are true to form. Trump is unhinged and out of control, no doubt about that. But we shouldn’t forget that there is also method to his madness. He is well aware that racism plays well with a considerable section of his base.

5. Bannon, the alt right, neoliberal democrats, global elites, and economic instability and slowdown — each had a hand in the creation of Trump and Trumpism. But if you’re looking for the main architect — and principal enabler since his election — look no further than right wing extremism.

Any analysis — no matter how radical sounding — that blurs, or worse yet, makes invisible the power and powerful role of this political-ideological-organizational juggernaut is doing no favors to the coalition of people, organizations and institutions that are resisting Trump or to our understanding of the Trump phenomenon.

Its rise from the margins to a position of dominance in U.S. politics over four decades was facilitated by its near bottomless pit of financial resources, its penetration of the mass media, its construction of an infrastructure that trained cadre, manufactured talking points, and elaborated strategy, its co-optation of christian evangelicalism, and, not least, its systematic employment of racism to expand and congeal a popular (white) coalition.

To this though we have to add its takeover of the Republican Party. In doing so, it secured what was indispensable to its political project — an instrument to lay hold of the levers of state power and impose its policies.

Which brings me to the midterm elections this fall. We have a unique opportunity to deliver a body blow, if not a knockout punch, to Trump and this whole concentration of nasty anti-democratic power that makes common cause and conspires with him. Nothing is more important.

But will only happen if the entire coalition resisting Trump and Trumpism over the past year gives undivided attention to this terrain of struggle. It doesn’t mean pulling the plug on everything else, but it does mean that winning in November should find its way into every nook and cranny of social activism.

6. An authoritarian mentality, expressed by contempt for democratic and social norms and institutions, has taken hold not only of Trump, but also a section of (white) voters. While it has many features, racism lies at its core.

Some on the left damned Oprah with slight praise or no praise at after her magnificent speech at the Globes on Sunday night. A few even upbraided her for one thing or another unrelated to the speech. And, not least, an old picture of her with Harvey Weinstein made the rounds.

Such reactions are incredibly insensitive, to put it nicely, to a very famous and accomplished African American woman who had just captured before an audience of tens of millions this shape shifting moment better than anyone else has up to now  — not to mention reveal a tin (or should I say callous) ear to the desires of women to work and live in workplace and country in which they aren’t the objects of sexual harassment and violence.

After reading these critiques, I asked myself — is it any wonder that the left has been on the margins of U.S. politics for more than a half century, notwithstanding a few upticks over the decades? Millions of women loved Oprah’s speech. And I hope millions of men did too. We can do better.