I come across appeals to build a “United Front Against Fascism.” Such appeals are radical sounding at first glance, but on closer inspection are misguided and diversionary. The very practical and political task at this moment is to deepen and broaden the “existing” anti-Trump/Trumpist coalition. Not abstractly, but in the context of the immediate political/legislative, democratic/voting rights struggles and the midterms elections next fall. Of strategic importance in this regard is the building out of support, politically and organizationally, among white workers in the Midwest states.

Biden may have retreated on this or that promise, but the coalition instrumental in electing him – save a few like Reverend Barber and the Poor People’s Campaign – has gone on an extended vacation since the election. Everyone needs a vacation, but in this case the timing couldn’t be worse. Its public, demonstrable presence in the deliberations going on in Washington is urgently needed.

This would be a great opportunity for the new leadership of the AFL-CIO to fill this vacuum of inaction and passivity. 40 years ago, it did when it organized Solidarity Day I and II in the early Reagan years.

I hear Bernie is going to join the striking Kellogg’s workers tomorrow and speak at a rally in downtown Battle Creek at 3pm. I would love to road trip there and join the rally and hear Bernie’s pitch. Probably won’t, but who knows. I was a member of the union decades ago. Anyway, this is a big show down for the union and labor movement. And kudos to Bernie and President Biden for their support.

In an earlier post(s) I commented on socialism and socialist democracy. Here is a long piece that I wrote more than 15 years ago. It was an attempt to rethink the Communist Party’s vision of socialism and the place of democracy in a socialist society and much more. It was overdue.

In the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991, we heaped blame on Gorbachev and re-emphasized our commitment to “Bill of Rights” socialism, but we did nothing to critically look at some of the assumptions that shaped and informed our understanding and vision of socialism, not to mention come to grips with socialism’s implosion.

Anyway, here is my attempt to do that.

White workers accrue skin privileges in the form of higher wages and salaries, superior health care, access to quality schools and safer neighborhoods, promising job opportunities and promotions, longer life expectancy, and more compared to their brothers and sisters of color. I’m hardly the first one to make this observation in recent years. A legion of commentators have made the same point far better than me. But what goes unmentioned in many instances is the other side of this dialectic. Which is that white privileges, which are a product of racist exploitation and oppression, aren’t an unalloyed blessing for white workers.

If that is so, and I believe it is, one of the great challenges of our time is to convince white workers that in joining with their sisters and brothers of color in a common class and anti-racist struggle, they have much more to win than to lose, politically, economically, culturally, and morally.